The first days of November in the Czech Republic are marked by demonstrations against the plan to abolish licence fee payments. The government argues that it is fulfilling its election manifesto, while the opposition is up in arms. It is therefore worth summing up everything the coalition is bringing forward. With some distance, it becomes clear that public service media are by no means the only reason for the packed squares. However, the steps taken by Prime Minister Babiš may do the most harm to his own voters.
Things got under way two weeks ago, when Culture Minister Oto Klempíř ordered an inspection of four members of the Association of Independent Theatres. By his own account, he did so because of unclear reporting of expenses. What looks suspicious about the whole affair is that representatives of the theatres under inspection had previously criticised how the Ministry of Culture operates. Extraordinary inspections of theatres are exceptional: during the tenure of Martin Baxa, not a single one took place.
The news of the extraordinary inspections was, however, drowned out by another statement from Minister Klempíř. He had declined to provide funds for this year's 17 November celebrations, organised by the association Díky, že můžem ("Thanks That We Can") on Národní Street. After long delays, the ministry decided too late on the allocation of the contribution. Yet it was the Czechs themselves who contributed to Korzo Národní. Shortly after the rejected grant was publicised, an already running fundraising appeal raised CZK 9.5 million. Part of Czech society mobilised unwittingly, with no idea of a plan that would take the atmosphere of discontent to a higher level.
Immediately afterwards, the government surprisingly came forward with a bill to abolish the fees for Czech Television and Czech Radio. The very process of placing the item on the agenda of the sitting is, even according to legal interpretation, complicated. A fixed time for the vote is not prohibited. The rules of procedure allow it, provided there is an extraordinary situation and deputies have been made acquainted with the bill. It is unlikely that the deputies had familiarised themselves with the bill. The fact that Tomio Okamura announced the fixed time to the chamber before the debate had even begun also raises questions.
The governing coalition did breach the Chamber's rules of procedure by not allowing breaks for the party groups, but in this case one cannot speak of unconstitutionality. The Constitutional Court deals with a breach of the rules of procedure only where there is a manifest violation of constitutionality. The advancement of the bill to its second reading provoked discontent among the public, and just a day later protesters filled the Old Town Square.
We could dwell on the list of contentious situations under Babiš's government for a long time yet, but nothing has been said about the key issues. This week the Chamber of Deputies is dealing with an amendment to the conflict-of-interest law that plays into the current Prime Minister's hands. The proposal regulates the obtaining of subsidies: a member of the government may apply for a subsidy as long as he or she does not decide on it. A Prime Minister who owns Agrofert could apply for an agricultural subsidy without having to hide his business in trust funds. The law entirely ignores the fact that coalition partners may subsidise one another's businesses, while applicants with a genuine entitlement are overlooked.
Last but not least, the government has not significantly altered the draft state budget, which has the second-highest deficit in history, at a time when the economy has recovered from its downturn. At a relatively good time, the finance minister has chosen an irresponsible policy of borrowing. The budget will prevent necessary investment in the future. High indebtedness will ultimately affect the voters of the current government. Debt servicing will certainly rise and the cost of living will increase. The lack of funds for healthcare, education and infrastructure will endanger the most vulnerable. Paradoxically, it is precisely here that I see potential: this is what opponents of the current government can use to convince the rest of society of the significance of the protests.
At the demonstration in Brno, one of the speakers called for a general strike should the three-party coalition pass the bill to abolish the public service media fees. Public service media will not, however, really bring voters of ANO, the Motorists or SPD out onto the streets. The opposition must come up with a broader range of topics that will also bring moderate government voters to the demonstrations.
Another Monday, another film night – this time with a theme of intelligence services and espionage. On the evening of 2 November, we screened Bridge of Spies, followed, of course, by a discussion with Professor Miroslav Mareš.
Another week has passed, and once again I am reporting from Lille in northern France. Little happened last week because of the academic break, i.e. the school holidays, but on 31 October protests were held again in all the larger French cities. Moreover, the government led by Prime Minister Lecornu has accepted some of the protesters' demands, and the effects that the tear gas used by police to disperse crowds (lacrymogène) can have on women's health are gradually coming to light.
